he
November 1999 Institute of Medicine report on
medical errors has captured the attention of the
public and of lawmakers. That report provided
evidence that health care institutions can be
pretty hazardous: from 44,000 to 98,000 deaths
per year are related to medical errors, compared
with about 42,000 deaths per year for automobile
accidents, about 5000 deaths per year in the
workplace, and even fewer deaths per year for air
travel. The
USA is not alone in focusing on medical error. In
May 2000, Great Britain published An
Organization with a Memory, a report from the
chief medical officer on learning from adverse
events in the National Health Service. In 1995,
Australia published The Quality in Australian
Health Care Study, pointing to the fact that
there are far too many preventable errors that
injure patients.
What do we call
these medical errors? Terms such as
misadventure and adverse
events have been used, but I prefer
iatrogenic injury, which is defined
as an injury causing harm to a patient resulting
from medical management rather than from the
patient's underlying or antecedent condition. It
is important to separate an adverse event from
the normal disease process, because a number of
our patients have antecedent conditions that may
not be compatible with life. Death is a natural
part of life. One of the reasons iatrogenic
injury was not well recognized in the past was
that death is not an unexpected outcome of
medical care, whereas it is an unexpected outcome
of car or air travel.
As we intensify
our study of errors in medicine, we need to keep
in mind that medical errors are not unique. They
share many causal factors with errors in complex
situations encountered with transportation,
nuclear power, and the petrochemical industry. We
can learn from those industries' efforts to study
error and its prevention. In addition, we need to
remember that errors can provide useful
information--and not just errors, but near misses
as well.
Heinreich
developed the iceberg model of accidents and
errors (1). The part of the iceberg above the
water represents errors that cause major harm;
below the water are no-harm events or events that
cause only minor injuries, as well as near
misses. After studying automobile accidents for
many years, Heinreich suggested that for every
event that causes major injury, there are 29 that
cause minor injury and 300 no-injury accidents
(2). Sometimes the only thing separating an error
that causes no injury from an error that causes
major harm is pure luck or the robust nature of
human physiology. A near miss is defined as an
error process that is caught or interrupted:
someone--usually an experienced staff
member--intervenes to prevent the error. Our goal
in patient safety is to use the no-harm and the
near-miss occasions to study our processes.
Obviously, we have to respond to and learn from
disasters, but if we want to be proactive, we
need to deal with the less serious events that
occur, which are much more numerous.
In the sections
that follow, I discuss the types of errors that
can occur and apply the types to the Titanic
disaster. I then discuss how different
organizational cultures respond to error and
consider the balance between discipline and
voluntary reporting. The article closes with a
discussion of ways to prevent and manage error.
TYPES OF
ERRORS
Professor James
Reason of Manchester University in England
defined 2 types of errors: active and latent (3).
Active errors are errors committed by those in
direct contact with the human-system interface
(in the case of health care, this is the
patient); they are often referred to as human
errors. Individuals who commit these errors are
those at the sharp end. Their actions
and decisions usually have an immediate effect.
Latent errors are the delayed consequences of
technical and organizational actions and
decisions--such as reallocating resources,
changing the scope of a position, or adjusting
staffing. Individuals who commit these errors are
at the blunt end. Latent failures
plus active failures lead to misadventures.
Unlike the transportation industry, in which
the pilot is always the first to arrive on
the accident scene, those who make the
errors in medicine do not suffer the consequences
of those errors. This creates an added
responsibility and burden.
Jens Rasmussen, a
Danish cognitive psychologist, further divided
active error into 3 categories: skill-based
behavior, rule-based behavior, and
knowledge-based behavior (4). Routine tasks, such
as driving a car, are examples of skill-based
behavior. We operate in a skill-based mode at
work most of the time and do so superbly. The
actions are so ingrained that we do them
automatically, as if we were on autopilot.
Rule-based mode also involves familiar tasks but
requires us to think for a moment and access
stored information. An example of an error of
rule-based behavior would be applying the rules
for a 4-way stop to a 2-way stop. We operate in
this mode almost as frequently as we do in the
skill-based mode. We apply knowledge-based
behavior when we consciously solve a problem.
Using the driving example again, most drivers
would operate in a knowledge-based mode if they
approached a broken stoplight. They may or may
not remember to apply the 4-way-stop rule in this
situation, and even if they did remember, they
would know to do so cautiously, since predicting
other drivers' responses is difficult. We rarely
act in a knowledge-based mode unless we are in a
new job or are learning something new. The
capacity for error is highest in this mode. In
fact, all change--even just a change in a
supplier--can increase risk of error.
Human factors are
one of 4 areas included in the Eindhoven
Classification System for root cause analysis
(5). Also included in the system are technical
factors (e.g., hardware, software, system
design), organizational factors (e.g., management
priorities, procedures, budget, culture), and
other factors (e.g., patient-related factors).
Root cause analysis is discussed in more detail
in Pat Williams' article in this issue of BUMC
Proceedings (5).
Errors that
occurred in the sinking of the Titanic
The Titanic
has become a metaphor for a disaster waiting to
happen. It's part of our mythology, and we
continue to find it fascinating. We can learn a
great deal from the Titanic disaster. In
1912, the Titanic was the newest, largest,
and most technologically advanced liner in the
world. Despite all of its innovative technology,
the ship sank on a clear night on its maiden
voyage with the loss of >1500 lives. The
unsinkable Titanic sank.
In reviewing the
active failures that led to the disaster, we
begin with Captain Smith. Captains are ultimately
responsible for everything that happens on the
ship. When he was informed of an ice field ahead,
Captain Smith did not reduce his speed. He
considered the fact that it was a clear night
with good visibility and that no ice fields were
in sight. Moreover, he was being subtly pressured
by the owner to set a new speed record. The Titanic
would be much more marketable if it could cut a
day or two off the nearly week-long voyage from
London to New York. Captain Smith went down with
the ship, as he was expected to.
Wireless Officer
Phillips was responsible for sending and
receiving messages on the one radio channel
available at the time. He placed priority on
sending out personal messages for Lady Astor and
others. While he did receive and pass on some
iceberg warnings, he asked the senders to stop
transmitting them. Officer Phillips went down
with the ship because he stayed and kept sending
SOSs.
The lookout, Fred
Fleet, was also involved. He was an experienced
seaman and was the first to spot the iceberg
ahead at 500 yards, which is about a quarter of a
mile. Visibility should have allowed him to spot
the iceberg at 1000 yards or greater, but Fred
Fleet never located the binoculars. (The
binoculars were found 80 years later, after the
ship had sunk.) Nobody oriented Fleet on the
location of the binoculars because there had been
no shakedown cruise. Fleet manned one of the
lifeboats, as he was supposed to do.
Murdoch was the
officer of the deck, another experienced sailor.
Once he heard the notice, Iceberg, dead
ahead, he did what he had been trained to
do: he threw the engines in reverse. We now know
that it would have been better for him to have
increased the speed of the engines and gone
around the iceberg. By backing down as he did, he
exposed the Titanic's starboard side
longer to the iceberg. Murdoch commanded one of
the last lifeboats to leave.
These active
errors are not what led to the loss of life. What
caused the loss of life was the inadequate number
of lifeboats. The Titanic had 16 lifeboats
but needed 32 to accommodate everyone on board.
At the time, the British Board of Trade had
lifeboat requirements based on the tonnage of the
ship and not the number of people. However, the
board was considering changing its regulations to
a passenger-based system. The shipowners opposed
the change, stating that it would be too
expensive.
Knowing that the
regulations might pass before the ship would
sail, the Titanic's designers planned
double davits to accommodate the extra lifeboats.
Sketches for these double davits were found after
the ship sank. However, owner Bruce Ismay decided
not to add the extra lifeboats since they would
have cut down on the space on the promenade deck.
He thought it was more important to pamper the
first-class passengers on this floating palace
(for which tickets were $500,000 each in today's
money) rather than prepare for a disaster that
would never happen on a ship with the
Titanic's technology. This technology
consisted of automatic watertight doors on
bulkheads below the water line. If the ship was
hit, the crew on the bridge could close the doors
electronically, thus keeping all water confined
to the damaged compartment. The problem was the
lack of a transverse overhead--a lid--on those
bulkheads.
Thomas Andrews
was the marine architect who designed the
technology. When the Titanic hit the
iceberg, he surveyed the damage with Captain
Smith and instantly knew he'd made an error. He
predicted that the ship would sink in an hour and
a half, and he was correct. Andrews also went
down with the ship.
If Andrews hadn't
died, he probably would have discovered a way to
correct his mistake. Titanic's sister
ship--which was going to be called the Gigantic
and was renamed the Brittanic--addressed
the technological issue by increasing the height
of the bulkheads. The Brittanic sank in
1915 after being torpedoed. Just like the Titanic,
it sank in an hour and a half. Fortunately, only
26 people died (compared with 1500 on the Titanic),
because immediately after the Titanic
disaster, regulations were changed so that there
was a lifeboat seat for every passenger.
When a disaster
occurs, the public wants someone to pay. Captain
Smith went down with the ship. Bruce Ismay
survived, but his life was ruined afterwards.
Part of the desire to blame and punish is related
to our expectation of perfectionism. For example,
nurses in the state of Texas who make 3
medication errors in 1 year will lose their
license. Even the Food and Drug Administration
and the regulators are part of the problem. Their
intentions are good, but their actions are
counterproductive. Leape wrote:
Ironically, rather
than improving safety, punishment makes
reducing errors much more difficult by
providing strong incentives for people to
hide their mistakes, thus preventing
recognition, analysis, and correction of
underlying causes (6).
If Captain Smith
had survived the Titanic, he probably
would have been sent back to White Star lines for
training on iceberg- spotting procedures. Yet, do
you think he would have made that same mistake
again? Not likely! Nevertheless, the example
points to our blame-and-train mentality. Leape
went on to say: We must stop blaming people
and start looking at our systems. We must look at
how we do things that cause errors and keep us
from discovering them . . . before they cause an
injury (6).
ERRORS AND
ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE
Our response to
error is related to our organizational culture.
An organization's culture is reflected by what it
does--its practices, procedures, and
processes--rather than by what it claims to
espouse or believe in. Ron Westrum has identified
3 types of safety cultures (7). The first is
pathologic; the organization says, We don't
make errors, and we don't tolerate people who
do. This organization is likely to
shoot the messenger. Other
organizations are bureaucratic: If
something occurs, we will write a new rule.
At the other end of the continuum is the learning
or generative organization, which seeks to
understand the broader implications of error.
However, while
organizations want to encourage information flow,
they also recognize that some discipline may be
associated with professional accountability. They
have to do something about the employee who is
truly dangerous while still encouraging reporting
from conscientious employees. David Marks has
developed the concept of a just system of
organizational culture (8). It considers the
employees' motivation in acting when deciding on
punishment so as to create a feeling of trust
among all involved.
Errors can be
intentional, knowing, reckless, or negligent, and
only the first 3 should elicit a punitive
response. If the error was intentional, the
person wanted to do harm. For example, he or she
may have been mad at the organization and decided
to destroy some equipment. This is rare. A person
who knowingly made an error did not intend the
error but knew that, by cutting corners, for
example, the error might occur. Behavior such as
working while intoxicated can be considered
reckless whether or not an error occurred.
Reckless behavior is not hard to identify, but it
does not occur very often. The remainder of
mistakes are examples of negligence. If we are
negligent under the law, we are required to make
restitution. Right now, our first tendency when
we harm a patient is to keep quiet. We have to
take more responsibility for admitting errors to
our patients and working to fix those
errors--just as in automobile accidents,
insurance information is exchanged and a
settlement made.
The
culpability of individuals on the Titanic
Using these
guidelines, how culpable where those on the sharp
end and those on the blunt end of the Titanic
disaster? We need to recognize that knowledge of
the outcome influences our objectivity, creating
hindsight bias.
Whether Captain
Smith knowingly or recklessly caused the error is
questionable, but he was clearly negligent. He
should have slowed down. He paid for that
negligence with his life. Murdoch cannot be
considered culpable, because he followed the
standard procedure. Even Phillips, who was
sending messages for the passengers, is probably
not culpable.
What about the
owner, Bruce Ismay? He certainly didn't intend to
cause harm, but it can be debated that he behaved
knowingly or recklessly. At the least, he was
negligent. Andrews, the designer, was not
culpable.
The higher in the
organization one is, the greater one's capacity
to generate latent error (3). Thus, the lack of
adequate lifeboats was the single greatest cause
for the loss of life on the Titanic, and
that was a decision made by the chief executive
officer. Top management can sometimes be the
enemy of safety. Everyone in the organization is
accountable for his or her decisions and actions.
If we hold people at the sharp end accountable
for their actions and decisions, we have to hold
people at the blunt end accountable.
PREVENTING AND
MANAGING ERROR
Our goal with
patient safety is to reduce the risk of
iatrogenic injury. We have to remove the hazards
that increase the risk of injury. The British
have defined risk as the possibility or
probability of occurrence or recurrence of an
event multiplied by the severity of the event.
Level 1 severity is death or severe harm; level
2, moderate or transient harm; and level 3,
minimal or no harm.
The first step in
error prevention and management is detection.
Errors that are not detected can have disastrous
consequences (9). A high reporting rate indicates
a high detection sensitivity level (DSL), and a
low reporting rate indicates a low DSL. To
achieve a high DSL, an organization must
eliminate impediments to reporting; confidential,
no-fault reporting is usually the most successful
approach. As the amount of information goes up,
risk will eventually go down. Our national goal
should not be to reduce medical errors but
ultimately to reduce the risk of iatrogenic
injury to patients. In doing so, we may find that
there are actually more errors than we expected.
An organization
that has a very high DSL can become overwhelmed.
Many organizations see as much as a 10-fold
increase in reporting. There may be an initial
confessional stage, when employees
bring up high-severity events from the past. If
they become overwhelmed, managers should triage
the investigation of events, highlighting events
that represent the greatest risk either because
of high occurrence rate or high degree of
severity. Investigation involves gathering basic
facts--the who, what, where, when, and why;
considering the number of barriers breached and
the consequences; and recovering all pertinent
documents. The investigators must get at the root
causes and discover the latent errors. Otherwise,
if they start with a human failure, they can stop
there and fail to fix the system. As the
management team investigates errors, the DSL rate
may stay high; over time, however, the severity
of events reported should go down. In addition,
the team should be able to identify process weak
points, determine common causal factors, see
where critical barriers to error are failing, and
monitor the system for long-term changes. If
errors continue to recur and the investigating
team cannot identify a system error, it may be
worthwhile to ask an outside group to do a
process audit. Sometimes the individuals within a
system are too close to it to recognize its
problems.
I've been asked
if there are any differences between the causes
of actual events and those of near-miss events.
We found no differences at severity levels 1 and
2. At severity level 1, about 40% of events were
caused by organizational factors, 40% by human
factors, and 20% by technical factors. At
severity level 2, the rates were 22% for
organizational and technical factors and 55% for
human factors. At severity level 3, the rates
were 47% for human factors, 43% for technical
factors, and 10% for organizational factors. Many
disasters have a major management organizational
component. Technical errors, instead, tend to
lead to much less severe problems. When we
compared the causes of errors in a transfusion
environment against causes of errors in a
petrochemical processing plant, the results were
nearly identical, showing that medical errors are
not unique.
A number of
steps, then, can be taken to manage errors:
- Identify system
weak points before an adverse event
happens
- Report near misses
and no-harm events
- Encourage
reporting
- Look for root
causes
- Avoid the
blame-and-train trap
- Fix the latent
errors that set people up for failure
As we learned
from the Titanic, latent errors make the
greatest contribution to major disasters. We
should never place too much faith in
technological solutions without backup, and we
should always expect the unexpected.
- Heinreich
HW. Industrial Accident Prevention.
New York and London, 1941.
- An
Organization with a Memory: A Report of
an Expert Group on Learning from Adverse
Events in the NHS Chaired by the Chief
Medical Officer. London: The
Stationery Office, 2000.
- Reason
J. Human Error. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1990.
- Rasmussen
J. The definition of human error and a
taxonomy for technical systems design. In
Rasmussen J, Duncan K, Leplat J, eds. New
Technology and Human Error. London:
Wiley, 1987:23-30.
- Williams
PM. Techniques for root cause analysis. BUMC
Proceedings 2001;14:154-157.
- Leape
LL. Error in medicine. JAMA
1994;272:1851-1857.
- Westrum
R. Organizational and interorganization
thought. In Wise JA, Hokin D, Stager P,
eds. Verification and Validation of
Complex Systems: Human Factors Aspects.
Berlin: Springer Verlag, 1993.
- Marx
DA. The Link Between Employee Mishap
Culpability and Aviation Safety
[dissertation]. Seattle, Wash: Seattle
University School of Law, 1998.
- Zapt
D, Reason JT. Introduction to error
handling. Appl Psychol
1994;43:427-432.
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