adies and gentlemen, you stink!
Each of you has a unique, genetically determined odor.
Your aroma is so unique that a trained dog can trace your
path, undistracted by the myriad of smells with which
your spoor has been mixed. The structure of chemosensory
communication is wonderfully ancient: coelenterates,
nematodes, arthropods, and mammals, including humans,
identify themselves and their biologic status by
chemistry--the release of specific chemicals into the
local environs (1). All living creatures from the
simplest algae or amoeba to highly sophisticated human
beings identify themselves by chemicals which are
recognized by specialized cells that constitute the
olfactory system. Each human being has a unique
identifying odor linked to his or her histocompatibility
genotype. One of my mentors in medicine, Lewis Thomas,
suggested 20 years ago that a bloodhound's nose would be
a more accurate method of selecting donors and recipients
for organ transplantation than all of the laboratory
testing. But no one has taken his suggestion seriously.
THE
OLFACTORY MECHANISM
The olfactory mechanism is exquisitely
sensitive; only a few molecules of an odorant are needed
to produce recognition and awareness of odor (2). With
recognition comes memory and associations, setting in
motion a variety of learned responses. We know the world
around us by olfactory information, and we divide our
world of odors into the foul and the fragrant (3). The
olfactory history of humankind reveals culturally
determined nosologies of smells: what is considered
desirable and fragrant in one place or era can be
considered foul and fetid in another place or era (3, 4).
Your nose contains 3 signaling systems, each mediated by
a separate set of cells and chemicals.

Recent studies have distinguished the olfactory
sensation, which is mediated by the first cranial nerve,
from pain and touch sense, which is mediated by the fifth
cranial nerve (Table 1) (5, 6). Airborne chemicals
interact with both first and fifth cranial nerve
receptors; with cranial nerve I the result is aroma, with
cranial nerve V the result can be irritation and
discomfort in subjects predisposed in unknown ways. The
irritant reflex from somatic sensory nerves results in
neurogenic inflammation, which can mimic the inflammatory
response of atopic allergy (Table 2) (6, 7). The
sensual nature of the nose is enhanced by the discovery
of a human vomeronasal organ, which is the organ for
specific chemosensory recognition and signaling (8). The
vomeronasal receptors bind chemical molecules of
differing sizes and signals, some of which are not
volatile and must be presented in liquid form.
Vomeronasal receptor cells have neuronal connections
inside and outside of the olfactory system, so that some
recognition chemicals can produce physiologic and
psychologic effects without odor (9, 10). Human
pheromones, our chemical identity and signaling
molecules, are the essential stimuli of the vomeronasal
system. Some but not all pheromones are odorant
molecules, stimulating olfactory receptors as well, and
some odorant molecules have structural similarity to
pheromones (11).

PHEROMONES
Many creatures select their reproductive mates by
smell, using chemical identification and recognition to
identify appropriate breeding partners. Insect pheromones
are potent odorants and attractants: minuscule numbers of
pheromone molecules will call males from surprising
distances. Inbred mice will breed preferentially with
hybrid mice or other breeds if given the choice; in fact,
a female mouse fertilized by her own breed will
spontaneously abort when exposed to the odor of a hybrid
male. Scent and sex are a biologically ancient
connection, and Homo sapiens is no exception.
Human pheromones have been identified and control
reproduction in subtle ways. For example, women exude a
pheromone that regulates menstruation and ovulation so
that women living in close contact, as in college
dormitories, will tend to cycle synchronously after
several months.
The chemical structures of perfumes and resin-based
incense and mammalian pheromones--the chemical signals of
identity and sexual attraction--are similar, and the two
are reported to smell alike. The link between perfumes
and seduction is as old as the use of burnt offerings and
incense. Indigenous cultures used fumigation with incense
and applications of fragrant oils to prepare women for
their bridal night (3, 4, 12, 13). Circe sets the tableau
for the seduction of Ulysses using aromatic philters.
Solomon was courted by the Queen of Sheba, who brought
the fragrant gums and spices of Araby as gifts. Judith,
in the Old Testament story, anointed her body with
redolent unguents in order to seduce, and ultimately
slay, Holophernes. The Song of Solomon attests to the
sensual importance of odor:
While the king sitteth at his table,
My spikenard sendeth forth the fragrance thereof.
A bundle of myrrh is my well beloved unto me:
He shall lie all night between my breasts.
My beloved is unto me as a cluster of henna flowers
In the vineyards of Engedi (Song of Solomon 1:12-14).
Rousseau, that romantic rationalist of the
18th-century Enlightenment, wrote:
The sense of smell is the sense of imagination;
giving a stronger tone to the nerves, it greatly
disturbs the brain; which explains why it can arouse
the amorous temperament momentarily, but eventually
exhausts it. Its effects in love-making are well
known; the sweet perfume of a dressing-room is not so
flimsy a trap as we might think; and I do not know
whether to congratulate or to pity the prudent and
unfeeling man who has never thrilled to the scent of
flowers on his mistress's bosom.
The robust sales of contemporary perfumes for women
and for men attest to the continuing potency of scent in
human sexual behavior.
ODORS: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
In medicine, Hippocratic tradition emphasized the
importance of airs and waters and climate. There were
healthful airs. There were pathogenic
airs. Miasmas, the exhalations of swamps and
fetid waters, carried disease. Pestilence and epidemic
fevers were said to be caused by lethal emanations.
Ancient tradition held that foul odors, indicators of
decay and poison, could be lethal (4). Stench signaled
danger and the presence of disease. It made eminent sense
to combat dangerous mephitic air and fetor with healthful
fragrance from burning aromatic herbs.
During the Black Plague that decimated Europe in 1348,
the medical faculty in Paris stated:
The deadly corruption of the air was
due essentially to an ill-omened conjunction of the
stars when vast amounts of disease-bearing and
poisoned vapors arose out of the earth and the waters
and infected the very substance of air. Through the
act of respiration this corrupt atmosphere penetrated
into and tainted organisms that were already
predisposed to putridness by overeating,
intemperance, and excess of passions--factors already
mentioned in antiquity--as well as from hot baths,
which relaxed and moistened the body (4).
Through this pronouncement a direct relationship was
drawn in the public's mind between the putrefaction of
the body and the putrefaction of the atmosphere. In
France, from the 13th century on, the term peste
or pestilence was used for both the disease and
the revolting stench associated with it. The connection
between odor and health dominated medical thinking during
the 16th and 17th centuries. The persistent Hippocratic
notion of airs and waters helps to explain
the value placed upon aromatic herbs, incense,
fumigation, and perfumes: for diseases associated with
the air and the things borne by air--odor, putrefaction,
and pestilence--airborne remedies could best provide
protection or relief.
Inhaling aromatic smoke, or smoking, can alter state
of mind by inducing the awareness of the sacred and by
the specific pharmacologic effects of the material
smoked. Inhaling the smoke from burning aromatic herbs to
produce altered awareness is possibly as old as the
capacity to control fire (12, 14). Tubes of stone, wood,
reed, and pottery, used to inhale the smoke of hemp and
coltsfoot (Tussilago farfara), have an ancient
history in Europe, Asia, and Africa. The Greco-Roman
Materia Medica, relying upon the authority of
Hippocrates, Dioscorides, Pliny, and Galen, prescribed
the inhalation of smoke for the treatment of asthma and
cough (15). In the Middle Ages physicians recommended the
smoking of herbs for windy griefs of the
breast (14). Fumigation and inhalation using
aromatic herbs and oils continue in present-day use.
Sir Francis Bacon described the artifices,
preventives, and medicaments to counteract noxious vapors
and to preserve health and potency:
They have in physick, use of pomanders, and knots
of powders, for drying of rheums, comforting of the
heart, provoking of sleep, etc. For though those
things be not so strong as perfumes, yet you may have
them continually at your hand; whereas perfumes you
can take but at times; and besides, there be divers
things that breath better of themselves, than when
they come to the fire; as nigella romana, the seed of
melanthium, amomum, etc.
Smells of musk, and amber, and civit, are thought
to further venerous appetite . . . (16).
During the 18th century, odor became a serious fashion
and health concern. The foul and the fragrant became
class markers (3). The philosophies of the Enlightenment
emphasized the importance of the senses as a source of
knowledge. Fragrant odors, socially approved aromas, were
pleasing and helpful, a stimulant to the imagination.
The importance of olfaction as a component of
enlightenment magnified the significance of
smells. The naturalist Buffon wrote:
A universal organ of feeling, [the nose] is an eye
that can see objects, not only where they are, but
even where they have been; it is a taste organ by
which the animal can savor not only what he can touch
and seize upon, but even that which is far away and
unattainable; it is the sense by which he is first,
most frequently and most certainly given warning, by
which he acts, by which he decides and by which he
recognizes what is either suited or contrary to his
nature, the sense, finally, by which he perceives,
feels and chooses what can satisfy his appetite (17).
Smells were harbingers of danger and distaste.
Physicians warned about the stench of pestilence. Social
arbiters warned about the unwashed, fetid classes.
Sweet-smelling perfumes for the body and the home grew
increasingly important, for they labeled the individual
as both healthy and high-class. By the late 18th century,
cities had grown and were filled with the products of
household and industrial combustion and garbage. Cities
smelt bad. Medical and municipal authorities had some
recommendations:
Flee the stultifying air of the cities, fill your
brains with a healthy dose of country air; stop
living like automatons; let the universe know you
have a soul, however infrequently it be uplifted. If
you constantly breathe in the city's air your throat
should be swept just as you sweep your chimneys. The
fish that lives in muddy waters takes on a slimy
taste; the same holds true for men who breathe in
only coal smoke and the emanations of the incense
offered up to the Goddess Cloacina, whose many alters
are constantly areek with it. The brains and lungs of
such persons must be impregnated with those vapors .
. . (4).
The 19th century brought the engines and effluvia of
industry and the Dickensian urban ghetto. City smoke and
stench became the targets of a growing public health
movement and sanitary reform.
Aromaphobia has become particularly common and intense
during the last half of the 20th century. Never before
have so-called bad odors been so systematically pursued.
Breath odor, body odor, bathroom odors, and all sorts of
natural smells are attacked and suppressed by socially
acceptable fragrances, soaps, and disinfectants. There is
remarkable antagonism to odors at the millennial
transition. There is no longer talk of the stench of
pestilence or the fetor of the poor; rather, we talk
about the reek of the toxic waste dump, the pungent fumes
of motor vehicle exhaust, and the dangers of tobacco
smoke. Contemporary environmental puritanism urges us to
believe the syllogism:
Chemicals smell.
Cancer is caused by chemicals.
Therefore, odors cause cancer.
My guess is that the inextricable connections between
combustion, chemosensation, and intimate human behavior
are close to the heart of antismoking sentiment and
contemporary chemophobia. The safest environment has
no smell.
The ill repute of smell is illustrated by the decline
of olfaction in clinical medicine. Once upon a time the
smell of pestilence was diagnostic and the physician's
olfactory sensitivity an important stimulus to
prescriptions for individual and public health. Nowadays,
physicians do not talk about their nose, except in regard
to their wine collections. Olfactory diagnosis is a lost
art. However, aromatherapy has become a popular form of
alternative medicine, and marketing scents remains a
lucrative part of the cosmetic and personal hygiene
industry. Aromatic cinema remains an active pipe dream.
SMOKE AND SCENT
It is prudent to remember that burning things to make
smoke and scent has a history and symbolism that elevates
the act of making smoke beyond the ordinary or
commonplace (4, 12, 13, 18). Making smoke and scent is a
public, visible act: propitiation, prayer, purification.
Aromatic herbs and their use as fumigant and medicament
were readily incorporated into religious and historical
mythology (3, 4, 12). The gods may be invisible, but one
can tell the presence of spiritual awareness and prayer
by smoke and by smell. Aromatic smoke has been used to
signal purification and consecration of places and
people: communion with deity, sacrifice, and salvation.
The magical, sacred nature of smoke and scent has been
respected for time out of mind. Jehovah's instructions to
Moses in the Book of Exodus are filled with fire, burnt
offerings, and incense.
And thou shalt receive them from their hands, and
burn them upon the altar for a burnt offering, for a
sweet savor before the Lord; it is an offering made
by fire unto the Lord (Exodus 29:25).
And thou shalt make an alter to burn incense upon:
of acacia wood shalt thou make it (Exodus 30:1).
Burning incense in Buddhist, Hindu, and Taoist
traditions symbolizes the presence of deity and the
dispersal of prayers. In Christian ritual, smoke from
censers traditionally symbolized prayers ascending to
heaven. Burning aromatic plants, or smoke and scent
making, because of the power symbolized, has been the
property of gods and spirits and has been carefully
regulated and used. The campfire and the incensed altar,
the products of controlled combustion, draw humankind
together and communicate with the unseen spirits of
deity, ancestors, and nature.
The history of tobacco illustrates the changing
fortunes of olfaction. Charles Singer began his short
history of the introduction of tobacco into Europe thus:
Tobacco first found its way into Europe rather as
a medicament than as the solace and companion of
fallen male nature (19).
His sentence crystallizes the history of tobacco,
emphasizing tobacco's association with sin and masculine
behavior. The dried leaves of 2 species of Nicotiana,
N. tabacum and N. rustica, were widely used
in the Americas before the arrival of Columbus (14, 18,
20, 21). Like coltsfoot (T. farfara) and hemp, Nicotiana
contains psychoactive chemicals and, by empiric
experience, was early on used for medicinal and
self-indulgent purposes.
In the New World, Columbus and his men were quickly
introduced to the indigenous practice of drinking
smoke. Shortly after his first landfall, Columbus
sent 2 men to reconnoiter. The description of their
findings in his journal has only this sentence about
tobacco:
By the way they met many people who always carried
a lighted fire brand to light fire, and perfume
themselves with certain herbs they carried along with
them (11, 14).
Bartolomeo de Las Casas, the early chronicler of the
European intrusion upon the New World, a missionary, and
the keeper of portions of Columbus' journal, expanded
upon this description in 1527.
These two Christians found on the way . . . many
people, the men with a half burned wood in their
hands and certain herbs in order to take their
smokes, which are some dry herbs put in a certain
leaf, also dry, in the manner of a musket made of
paper, like those the boys make on the day of the
Passover of the Holy Ghost, and having lighted one
part of it, by the other they suck, absorb or receive
that smoke inside with the breath, by which they
become benumbed and almost drunk, and so it is said
that they do not feel fatigue. These muskets, as we
will call them, they call tobacco . . . (22).
The arrival of tobacco in Europe, the Middle East, and
Asia was rapidly followed by the production of
instruments for its use: water pipes, clay pipes, and
carved wooden pipes were adapted from the prototypes used
for smoking hemp and other herbs (14). The growth of the
tobacco-implement industry demonstrates the popularity of
the habit-forming weed and the desire to smoke often and
well. As European exploration expanded, other methods for
consuming tobacco were found. Chewing and snuffing were
common, but the most obvious tobacco instrument was the
pipe. Jacques Cartier, during his second voyage to North
America in 1535 to 1536, described the use of tube pipes.
There groweth also a certain kind of Herb, whereof
in Summer they make great provision for all the year,
and only men use it, and first they cause it to be
dried in the Sun, then wear it about their neck
wrapped in a little bag, with a hollow piece of stone
or wood like a pipe, then when they please they make
powder of it, and then put it into one of the ends of
the said cornet or pipe, and laying a coal of fire
upon it, at the other end suck so long, that they
fill their bodies full of smoke, till it comes out of
their mouth and nostrils. They say that this does
keep them warm and in health; they never go without
some of it about them (14).
Native American pipes date to more than 3000 years
ago, and evidence of nicotine residues from such relics
can be dated to about 1500 years ago (23). All of the
Amerindian tribes smoked tobacco, but only some grew it
(20, 24, 25). Among the Plains Indians of the upper
Missouri River region, the Blackfoot, Crow, Hidatsa,
Mandan, and Arikara cultivated tobacco (26). Other tribes
such as the Arapaho, Gros Ventre, Assiniboine, Cree, and
Comanche traded for their tobacco with other tribes.
Among the Plains Indian tribes, tobacco use was
restricted, reserved for communal ceremonies and solemn
occasions. Pipes were the devices used; the
muskets or cigars described by the Columbus
expedition were not used. Usually only adult men were
allowed to smoke, although Blackfoot and Cree women used
small pipes. Young people were warned that smoking would
make them poor runners. Some of the Plains Indian groups
allowed tobacco smoking only by individuals with special
qualifications: older women herbalists and designated
senior men (24-27). Pipes were assembled, filled with
tobacco, ignited, and passed according to distinct tribal
rules. Smoking was a religious, ceremonial event among
North American Indians to be given proper respect (26).
Shoshone and Blackfoot elders would not smoke with
moccasins on. A Blackfoot host passed the pipe to his
left. Each recipient would take several puffs and pass
the pipe to his left. When the end of the line was
reached, the pipe would be returned to the host, and the
sequence restarted.
Pipes and their use were highly charged symbols. Only
certain people could make a pipe and endow it with power.
Only selected people could assemble and smoke these
pipes. The rose-colored stone known as catlinite or
pipestone comes from a quarry in Minnesota and was looked
upon as symbolic of living flesh and blood and so sacred.
All pipes made of this stone were fit for offering smoke
to the gods and for cementing friendships (26).
Tobacco burst upon Europe at the turn of the 16th
century as a miraculous plant sharing with cinchona bark
(quinine) a glorious reputation as a medicinal panacea.
By 1560 tobacco was being grown in European physic
gardens. English colonists from the failed Virginia
settlement began commercial cultivation of tobacco in
1586. Sir Walter Raleigh, the proponent of English
colonial enterprise, grew his own tobacco on his Irish
estate.
During the first quarter of the 17th century, tobacco
had become a sought-after commodity. Therapeutic and
prophylactic claims contributed to the popularity and the
demand for tobacco in Europe. In his 1646 book, De
Peste Libri Quator, prominent Dutch physician Isbrand
van Diemerbroeck asserted that tobacco smoke prevented
the plague. Tobacco smoke insufflated into the rectum,
the stomach, and the lungs was recommended as part of the
resuscitation of the victims of drowning and asphyxiation
(28). Sir Francis Bacon (1561-1626) wrote in his book of
natural history, Sylva Sylvarum:
Tobacco is a thing of great price, if it be in
request. For an acre of it will be worth, (as is
affirmed,) two hundred pounds, by the year, towards
charge. The charge of making the ground, and
otherwise, is great, but nothing to the profit (16).
By the 17th century tobacco in all its various forms
had been widely used throughout Europe and Asia. Fomented
by claims of medicinal magic and fostered by the
addictive properties of its constituents, tobacco became
the object of fashion and commercial exploitation.
Nonmedicinal, self-indulgent, pleasure-seeking tobacco
use flourished. Bacon recognized the addictive properties
of smoking tobacco:
Tobacco comforteth the spirits and dischargeth
weariness; which it worketh, partly by opening, but
chiefly by the opiate vertue, which condenseth the
spirits (16).
The provision of tobacco as a privilege and pacifier
for soldiers and sailors and noncombatant victims during
the 30 Years War (1618-1648) was an early demonstration
of the relationship between war and tobacco consumption
that has continued to the present (11).
Common sense and experience had shown that the
prophylactic and therapeutic claims for tobacco were
spurious, inaccurate at best. Antitobacco sentiment,
submerged during the excitement of 16th century
exploration and experimentation with the bounty of the
New World, erupted with criticism and taxation. During
the 17th century tobacco smoke was transformed from
good air into bad air. The
transformation began with early criticisms of its
toxicity and irritant properties. King James I of England
wrote his famous counterblast to tobacco in
1604 in which he pointed out the fallacies in the claims
for tobacco as a panacea and observed that tobacco smoke
stank!
A custom loathsome to the eye, hateful to the
nose, harmful to the brain, dangerous to the lungs,
and in the black stinking fume thereof, nearest
resembling the horrible stygian smoke of the pit that
is bottomless (14).
A 1637 pamphlet supported the use of tobacco
preparations as medicine but was titled A brief and
accurate treatise concerning the taking of the fume of
tobacco, which very many, in these days do too too
licentiously use (11).
Antagonism to tobacco and tobacco smoking was an
integral component of the sanitary reform agenda of the
19th century. The rumor that smoking tobacco caused
impotence and sterility circulated (11). In the USA the
Anti-Tobacco League warned that smoking tobacco caused
sterility and was practiced only by fallen
women. Lady nicotine is not a lady, but
a little white devil made from the
demon plant wrote the Reverend George Trask,
founder of the Anti-Tobacco League in Massachusetts,
which succeeded in having public smoking banned in Boston
in the 1850s (11). By mid century tobacco was relegated
to the profane and ugly. Radical authors and artists
smoked cigarettes. Prostitutes and laborers smoked
cigarettes. Bizet's most famous heroine was a cigarette
girl, and her public smoking in operatic performance was
shockingly titillating.
Antitobacco policies suffered with the arrival of the
cigarette machine. Hand-operated in the 1850s, American
invention mechanized and industrialized cigarette
manufacture in the 1880s (14). Cigarettes became a
popular rage and an enormous profit-making industry.
Cigarettes were the soldiers' friend during the terrible
wars of the 20th century. Military strategy and
government policy ensured widespread availability of
cigarettes to the troops and even to the hospitals where
the wounded and disabled were rehabilitated. Richard
Klein describes the symbolism and the importance of
tobacco smoking for the military in his book, Cigarettes
Are Sublime:
The munificent cloud of smoke draws a ring around
the battle-hardened comrades and circles them in its
embrace, drawing them closer together. What would a
soldier be without tobacco? He would be totally alone
with his melancholy and mourning. The smoke of
cigarettes holds the ghosts at bay--or rather,
Indian-like, brings the departed spirits into the
diminished circle of the living, joins the past to
the present, and creates the beneficent illusion of
an eternal present with no loss. A fleeting antidote
to depression, cigarettes are the greatest treasure
to the bereft.
But cigarettes also stimulate and sharpen the mind,
promoting action. In war novels, they are frequently lit
by officers at the moment they have to fix a plan or give
an order. It is almost a requirement of command that
decisions be taken only after a moment of
self-concentration, the sign of reflective detachment and
considered restraint before committing men's lives (11).
Amerindians considered tobacco a god. It has taken a
century to return tobacco use to a publicly condemned
habit. At the end of the 20th century, legislators passed
laws banning public cigarette smoking on grounds where
centuries before Indians gathered to meet and to smoke
tobacco because smoking was essential to the ritual that
unified the individual with the tribe and with its
guardian myths and gods. In the last quarter of the 20th
century, tobacco was made into an evil, unhealthful weed.
Making smoke became increasingly regulated and in many
public places prohibited. What we have in 2000--namely,
very strict tobacco taboo--is not very much different
from the social use of tobacco that existed before the
commercialization and mass production of cigarettes.
Nowadays, instead of sterility and sin, tobacco is
linked to cancer, chronic lung disease, cardiovascular
disease, and to the novel ailment called multiple
chemical sensitivity (MCS), or 20th-century syndrome.
Abhorrence of even the faintest whiff of tobacco, smoke,
and other odors epitomizes the contemporary opposition to
smoking tobacco. In some recent studies >90% of
patients claiming MCS were intolerant of tobacco smoke
(29). In fact, MCS patients asserted that virtually all
odors precipitated symptoms. They are people who would
obliterate all forms of making smoke and scent. Even a
nonaddicting, nicotine-free smoking device would be
anathema. The anxiety of the aromaphobe is magnified
by smell--any odor. The victims of aroma-phobia are sent
into paroxysms of suffering from all odors--from fine
perfumes to sewer stench. The paroxysms are as much
terror and the biologic consequences of acute stress as
they are the biology of allergy or inflammation.
Because odor is such a potent biologic signal,
precipitating behavior that ranges from flight and fright
to flights of erotic fantasy and romantic fervor, it is
difficult to separate the odorant from the injurious,
intoxicant properties of the source. Are the symptoms
claimed the result of neuropsychiatric reflexes triggered
by odor or the direct molecular effect of the aromatic
chemical? Rousseau observed that the olfactory sense is
the sense of imagination. Only a few
molecules or whiffs of an odorant can set in motion
fantasies and fears that precipitate reflex physiologic
and psychologic events. Passion and panic are products of
smell.
The idiosyncratic smell of tobacco and tobacco smoke
readily identifies tobacco users and sites of tobacco
use. It is impossible to disguise tobacco. It seems to me
that restricting the smoking of pipes and cigars to
specially reserved places for specially designated users
is symbolically and culturally desirable, not an
imposition or restriction of freedom. Pipes and cigars
have not yet been the focus of vociferous antitobacco
persecution, perhaps because their use retains
formalities and decorum that are absent from cigarette
smoking (30, 31). In fact, perhaps because of
contemporary aromaphobia, cigars and cigar smoking have
become chic, a privilege of the sophisticated connoisseur
and the well-off. Magazines and boutiques market the
refinements of taste and the technology of pipes and
cigars. But, access is only to a special few: affluent
individuals invited and initiated into the arcane
knowledge of tobacco and tobacco use.
As long as these aroma-producing activities and
products remain confined in special domains, controlled
by adepts and not released upon an unsuspecting,
susceptible public, I suspect that they will escape the
wrath and reform of anxious, aromaphobic antitobacco
activists. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize the
potency of olfactory stimuli. There is always the danger
that an inadvertent whiff of aromatic tobacco smoke will
trigger a disproportionately large negative reaction.
Makers of smoke must be vigilant and wary. Maintenance of
proper discipline and ritual diminishes the societal and
biologic risks and reaffirms the symbolic importance of
making smoke. Cigarette smoking is such a visible,
odoriferous practice, it is not surprising that it has
become the most intensively reviled form of controlled
aromatic combustion.
The power of fire and smoke as symbols, stimulants,
and irritants made the use of incense, fireworks, and
other combustible substances the focus of ritual and
strict social sanctions. If smoke contains power, only
select people--initiates to smoking ritual and rules--may
use and control its power, and they must use it in
communal rituals. It is wasteful, disrespectful, and
selfish not to share or to display smoke.
Could the intensity of the antismoking campaign have
as much or more to do with controlling a powerful act as
with preventing lung cancer or chronic bronchitis? One
way to exert control over symbols is to transform them
into sickness. Antismoking ideology labels smoking as an
illness, and an illness of addiction, a sin of weakness.
Indiscriminate selling and taking of smoke--sacred smoke,
humankind's connection to the spiritual world--are
profane. Cannabis became a policy problem when smoking
pot emerged as a public activity. The cocaine
epidemic followed the emergence of crack, smokable
cocaine. Perhaps the abhorrence of women smoking
cigarettes 100 years ago was as much a power struggle
related to women's role in Western culture as it was a
health issue. Children have never been allowed to smoke,
except when applied by smoke priests for
medical or ritual purposes, because they are not
initiated or trained to be able to withstand and to
control the powers set free in the smoke and by the act
of making smoke. The recognition that tobacco smoking has
serious, fatal health effects only confirms what has been
known for time out of mind: smoke is potent, smoke can
kill. The urge to smoke, the tantalizing sampling of
forbidden power, remains unabated, perhaps even enhanced
by demonstration of its social and biologic potency.
CONCLUSION
Olfaction, the sense of smell, has perplexed and
pleased epistemologists since philosophy began (32). The
cultural connections between fire and smoke and the sense
of smell remain potent and pervasive. Smoke and scent are
portents of sickness, sex, and spirit. Odors signal
sexuality, pestilence, possession, and piety. Smells can
still evoke panic.
The history and anthropology of smoking suggest that
contemporary condemnation of tobacco, burned to make
scent and smoke, has multiple origins. Cigarette smokers
defy rituals and sanctity: addiction is no way to say
prayers! Undisciplined, selfish smoking without ritual or
communal meaning is dangerous. Addictive, uncontrolled
cigarette smoking is pernicious because it is profligate
and profane, as well as causing ill health. It is not
surprising that social forces to control making smoke
have become so powerful. On the other hand, elimination
of the rites of making smoke impoverishes our sensual,
symbolic, and sacred life. A world without odor would be
a sterile world indeed. The rituals and rules that govern
symbolic controlled combustion are ancient, perhaps a
part of our biologic evolution.
- Agosta W. Bombadier Beetles
and Fern Trees. Reading, Mass:
Addison-Wesley Publishing Co, 1996.
- Shepherd GM. A molecular
vocabulary for olfaction. Ann N Y Acad Sci
1987;510:98-103.
- Corbin A. The Foul and the
Fragrant: Odor and the French Social
Imagination. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard
University Press, 1986.
- LeGuerer A. Scent: The
Mysterious and Essential Powers of Smell.
New York: Kodansha International, 1994.
- Meggs WJ. Hypothesis for
induction and propagation of chemical
sensitivity based on biopsy studies.
Environ Health Perspect 1997;105(Suppl
2):473-478.
- Miller CS. Possible models for
multiple chemical sensitivity: conceptual
issues and role of the limbic system. Toxicol
Ind Health 1992;8:181-202.
- Meggs WJ. Neurogenic
inflammation and sensitivity to environmental
chemicals. Environ Health Perspect 1993;101:234-238.
- Monti-Bloch L, Jennings-White
C, Dolberg DS, Berliner DL. The human
vomeronasal system. Psychoneuroendocrinology
1994;19:673-686.
- Stern K, McClintock MK.
Regulation of ovulation by human pheromones. Nature
1998;392:177-179.
- Weller A. Human pheromones.
Communication through body odour. Nature
1998;392:126-127.
- Klein R. Cigarettes Are
Sublime. Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 1993.
- Campbell J. The Masks of
God: Primitive Mythology. New York:
Viking Press, 1959.
- Frazier JG. The Golden
Bough, abridged ed. New York: The
MacMillan Co, 1960.
- Brooks JE. The Mighty Leaf:
Tobacco Through the Centuries. Boston:
Little, Brown & Co, 1952.
- Sigerist HE. A History of
Medicine: Primitive and Archaic Medicine, vol.
2. New York: Oxford University Press, 1951.
- Bacon SF. Sylva Sylvarum or
A Natural History in Ten Centuries, 7th
ed. London: W. Rawley, 1658.
- Leclerc GL. Histoire naturelle
des animaux. In Piveteau J, ed. Oeuvres
philosophiques. Paris: P.U.F., 1954:331.
- Apperson GL. The Social
History of Smoking. New York: G.P. Putnam
and Sons, 1916.
- Singer CJ. The early history
of tobacco. Quarterly Review
1913;5:125-142.
- The early history of tobacco. Brit
Med J 1914;i:327-329.
- Tobacco fashions. Lancet
1957;i:1348-1349.
- de Las Casas B. The
Devastation of the Indies. Briffault H,
trans. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1992.
- Rafferty SM. New light on
ancient smokers (presented at the Society for
American Archaeology and the
Paleoanthropology Society). Science News
1998;153:238.
- Lowie RH. Indians of the
Plains. Garden City, NY: Natural History
Press, 1963.
- Wissler C. Indians of the
United States. Garden City, NY: Doubleday
& Co, 1967.
- Lewis TH. The Medicine Men:
Oglala Sioux Ceremony and Healing.
Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990.
- Rasmussen RE. Mutagenic
activity of incense smoke in Salmonella
typhi-murium. Bull Environ Contam
Toxicol 1987;38:827-833.
- Lee RV. Cardiopulmonary
resuscitation in the eighteenth century. A
historical perspective on present practice. J
Hist Med Allied Sci 1972;27:418-433.
- Lehrer PM. Psychophysiological
hypotheses regarding multiple chemical
sensitivity syndrome. Environ Health
Perspect 1997;105(Suppl 2):479-483.
- Schivelbusch W. Tastes of
Paradise: A Social History of Spices,
Stimulants, and Intoxicants. Jacobson D,
trans. New York: Vintage Books, Random House,
1993.
- Wald NJ, Watt HC. Prospective
study of effect of switching from cigarettes
to pipes or cigars on mortality from three
smoking related diseases. BMJ
1997;314:1860-1863.
- Ackerman D. A Natural
History of the Senses. New York: Random
House, 1990.
|